Harga Paket Ibadah Umroh 2016 di Jakarta Barat Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.

Harga Paket Ibadah Umroh 2016 di Jakarta Barat Alhijaz Indowisata didirikan oleh Bapak H. Abdullah Djakfar Muksen pada tahun 2010. Merangkak dari kecil namun pasti, alhijaz berkembang pesat dari mulai penjualan tiket maskapai penerbangan domestik dan luar negeri, tour domestik hingga mengembangkan ke layanan jasa umrah dan haji khusus. Tak hanya itu, pada tahun 2011 Alhijaz kembali membuka divisi baru yaitu provider visa umrah yang bekerja sama dengan muassasah arab saudi. Sebagai komitmen legalitas perusahaan dalam melayani pelanggan dan jamaah secara aman dan profesional, saat ini perusahaan telah mengantongi izin resmi dari pemerintah melalui kementrian pariwisata, lalu izin haji khusus dan umrah dari kementrian agama. Selain itu perusahaan juga tergabung dalam komunitas organisasi travel nasional seperti Asita, komunitas penyelenggara umrah dan haji khusus yaitu HIMPUH dan organisasi internasional yaitu IATA. Harga Paket Ibadah Umroh 2016 di Jakarta Barat

saco-indonesia.com, Alhamdulillah, beberapa jam yang lalu, pesawat yang saya tumpangi mendarat dengan mulus di landasan pacu Bandara Sultan Thaha (Suha). Tak ada guncangan. Padahal, ketika menjejakkan kaki  ke tangga, turun dari pesawat di sambut rintik – rintik hujan. Payung pun tak urung dikenakan.

Alhamdulillah, di dalam pesawat itu, di lajur sebelah, tepatnya seberang bangku saya, seorang penumpang terus-menerus menghitung tasbih melingkari jarinya. Khusyu’ berdzikir. Adem mata ini memandangnya. Walau banyak pemandangan lain, rasanya magnet itu begitu sayang untuk dilewatkan. Menambah ingat Allah akan nikmatNya.

Alhamdulillah juga, di dalam perjalanan atas itu,  tak kuasa kedua mata ini terpejam menahan penat jiwa. Anugerah yang tak tertahankan, dimana banyak juga penumpang lain terkulai menahan sebagian derita perjalanan ini: capek dan kantuk.

Berapa seringkah kita bersyukur kepada Allah atas nikmat yang diberikan kepada kita per harinya?

Bagi yang rajin akan berada di angka 165 kali atau lebih. Dengan catatan rajin berdzikir sehabis sholat wajib dengan membaca tahmid - Alhamdulillah 33 kali, selain tasbih dan takbir. Itu pun (kebanyakan) tanpa penghayatan karena sudah terbiasa sama sekali. Tapi, Alhamdulillah masih mending daripada yang hanya sambil lalu saja.

Ibn Athaillah dalam kitabnya - Al-Hikam - mendefinisikan syukur adalah sarana untuk memanfaatkan dan memelihara karunia-Nya. Hati yang bersyukur memperkuat dan memantapkan kebaikan yang ada. Orang awam mungkin hanya bersyukur saat mendapatkan kesenangan materi saja. Tetapi, orang yang dekat dengan Allah menyadari semua yang terjadi di dunia, baik itu nikmat atau musibah sekalipun akan senantiasa disyukuri. Siapa tidak mensyukuri nikmat, berarti menginginkan hilangnya. Dan siapa mensyukurinya, berarti telah secara kuat mengikatnya.

Allah Ta`ala berfirman : Maka makanlah yang halal lagi baik dari rizki yang telah diberikan Allah kepadamu dan syukurilah nikmat Allah, jika kamu hanya kepada-Nya saja menyembah. (Q.S An- Nahl [16] : 114)

Bersyukur merupakan ibadah paling mudah, tetapi sangat sedikit orang yang menyadari dan melakukannya. Hanya hamba yang benar-benar beriman yang bisa mensyukuri setiap nikmat dan rizki yang telah Allah berikan. Sekecil apapun itu, jika kita bersyukur maka nilainya akan tinggi di mata Allah Ta`ala. Kita bisa menghirup udara segar, tangan kita bergerak melakukan apa saja yang kita mau, mata kita bisa melihat dengan jelas, kaki kita bisa berjalan dan tubuh kita tegap tanpa takut terjatuh, perut kita bisa mencerna makanan dengan tidak memuntahkannya, telinga kita masih bisa mendengar, itu semua nikmat dari Allah.

AllahTa’ala berfirman: Dan jika kamu menghitung-hitung nikmat Allah, niscaya kamu tak dapat menentukan jumlahnya. Sesungguhnya Allah benar-benar Maha Pengampun lagi Maha Penyayang. (An-Nahl 18)

Hati yang selalu ikhlas, ridla dengan takdir-Nya, lisan yang selalu ringan mengucap syukur dan berakhlaqul karimah terhadap sesama manusia merupakan bentuk nyata dari mensyukuri nikmat-nikmat Allah. Orang yang senantiasa bersyukur kepada Allah, qana’ah, selalu mengambil hikmah terhadap segala permasalahan, maka hidupnya akan tentram, pikirannya tidak cemas, hatinya selalu bersih dari kesombongan dan kekufuran. Tetapi sebaliknya, orang yang tidak mau dan lupa bersyukur maka Allah akan mencabut nikmat yang telah diberikan-Nya dan mengganti dengan siksa yang pedih. Naudzubillahi min dzalik.

Janji Allah tak akan luput seperti pada surat Q.S Ibrahim [14] : 7, Dan (ingatlah juga), tatkala Tuhanmu memaklumkan; “Sesungguhnya jika kamu bersyukur, pasti kami akan menambah (nikmat) kepadamu, dan jika kamu mengingkari (nikmat- Ku), Maka Sesungguhnya azab-Ku sangat pedih”.

Oleh karenanya, perlu disadari jika kita bersyukur maka keimanan kita bertambah, ilmu kita bertambah, harta kita bertambah, amal kita bertambah. Bersyukur bukanlah hal sulit. Bersyukur bukanlah hal remeh yang mesti kita tinggalkan. Tapi sebaliknya harus kita tingkatkan, walau banyak yang lupa meninggalkannya. Karenanya ingatlah: “Fabiayyi Aalaa’i Robbikumaa Tukadz-dzibaan - Maka nikmat Tuhan kamu yang manakah yang (bisa) kamu dustakan?”

Sumber: Faizunal/LDII

Gambar: http://1.bp.blogspot.com

Editor:Liwon Maulana(galipat)

Sudah Bersyukurkah Kita Hari Ini??

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

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Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in The Great War of Our Time

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